The Communist Party of China blows one hundred candles

Through the streets of Zunyi, between stalls with keychains, figurines and t -shirts with the unmistakable face of the great helmsman Zedong stamped, a band of retirees dressed in the light blue uniform that the soldiers of the first Chinese communist army used.Touched with caps with a red star, the group sings popular marches of the revolutionary era.Some curious take pictures;Other spontaneous join their voices to the choir, and everyone applauds them before continuing with their visit by the town, famous because Mao left in 1935 erected in undisputed leader of the Communist Party of China (PCCH).

Located in a mountainous area of the province of Guizhou, Zunyi is one of the jewels of the so -called red tourism, a route that pilgrims through the historical places related to Mao, the long march of their troops or the war against the nationalists.

With pandemic under control and growing economy, the focus of the event will be put in the achievements of the past

This type of tourism, where the limits between history, propaganda and nationalism are blurred, is not something new.But this year, the sector lives days of Gloria thanks to the centenary of the Foundation of the PCCH - which is celebrated on July 1 - and to the calls of the authorities to thoroughly study its disturbed background background.Whether for true interest, viral limitations or mere convenience, the population has responded in mass: according to the CTRIP portal, the main red attractions received 375% of visitors more than in the same period of 2019.

That thrust of red tourism is one of the multiple activities with which leadership heats engines for such a designated occasion.During the last months, television cinemas and chains project Patriotic Court films incessant.The media are lavished in the country's exploits under the baton of the party, also the protagonist of exhibitions, board games, floral arrangements, competitions and even a rap song in which they participate, of course, one hundred artists.The streets of the country look decorated with posters with a "100" blazonado in red and the emblem of the hoz and the hammer, or others in which it is called to "listen, appreciate and follow" the authorities.

Although lately the nuts squeeze from the outside (remember its prominence in the recent peaks of the G-7 and NATO, for example), the appointment does not arrive at a bad time for Beijing, with the pandemic under control and the economy by the pathof growth.

Without disregarding the future, the focus of the event will be put in the achievements of the past, making its lights shine (economic and technological development, space program, eradication of extreme poverty) and passing on tiptoe through the shadows (great leap forward, cultural cultural revolutionor tiananmen massacre).It will also serve to reinforce the message that only the PCCH, with the Almight.

If the state propaganda is ignored, the entire nation awaits the appointment and all go to one with the party.But if one moves away from the official narrative, the image breaks down and the nuances emerge."Thanks to its strong leadership, we have achieved great economic development and we are a great power," Marisa Ding, an employee of banking abroad, told this newspaper..“There are things that I do not like, such as censorship, and there are big problems, such as the lack of job opportunities for the youth of my province (Jilin).But I don't think the solution is to change our system to a democratic, but to improve what we have, ”he added.

The average Chinese continues to think that future generations will live better

According to the analysts consulted, there are several factors that explain the longevity of the party.On the one hand, despite the perception that is had in the West, there is its flexibility and ability to adapt to local changes and particularities, either emphasizing the role of the peasantry as a key group in political transformation in Mao's time, opening itsEconomy abroad in the 1980s of the century or erecting himself in defender of globalization when Trump blachate that of "America first".

They also highlight their ability to guarantee the socioeconomic development of the population (the average Chinese continues to think that future generations will live better than the current ones), to which they have also returned the pride of seeing the lost greatness recovered.All that without forgetting repression and control.“It is a single party regime that has always used strong coercive elements.This explains in itself its durability, but it is an important part of it, ”Mario Desprana were, the main researcher for Asia-Pacific of the Elcano Institute.

A reflection of that iron hand is censorship, which these days work on a piece so that no one "distorts" the history of the game or "defame" to their heroes (there is even a phone to denounce the "historical nihilists").Severe measures have been taken so that Hong Kong's discontent do not set the fuels, as they did with their 2019 protests during 70.º Anniversary of the Foundation of the Nation.And they have also promised hardly to any person responsible for an industrial accident of consideration that agiles the party."We believe a safe and stable atmosphere to celebrate the centenary," the Deputy Prime Minister, Liu He.

The appointment of next Thursday marks an important milestone towards the ultimate goal: to ensure that in 2049, for the centenary of the Foundation of the Republic Popular, the “rejuvenation of the great Chinese nation” has materialized.To achieve that strong and prosperous country with which Xi Jinping dreams, the nation must face great challenges such as debt, aging, corruption, inequality, the development of semiconductors or the threat of falling into the trapof the middle income.

For the Chinese it is not time to implement changes that can be interpreted as a symptom of weakness

"But above all, its greatest challenge is to preserve stability, its most precious good," analyzes Xulio Ríos, director of the Chinese Policy Observatory and author of a recent treaty on the history of the PCCH.

On the one hand, says Ríos, the defense of its safety and sovereignty will prevail, one of the fundamental issues for the party (in that logic its actions are framed with respect to Xinjiang, Hong Kong or Taiwan, for example).On the other, they will close ranks around the leadership in the face of the attacks of the West, seen from Beijing as an attempt to demonization with which to try to skip their development.

"China is making a huge effort to draw a way of self -development adjusted to its rhythms and particularities," says the expert."For the Chinese it is not the time to implement changes that can be interpreted as a symptom of weakness - in human rights or freedom of the press, for example - but of armoring, showing loyalty and applauding central policies.".

Meanwhile, the preparations do not cease in the capital.The Tiananmen Square, a political and symbolic epicenter of the country, has been closed to lime and singing for a few days to finalize the details of the coat of indiscreet looks.For the designated day there is no scheduled military parade.Yes, Xi Jinping will take the floor, which will offer an expected speech and will decorate with the first of July medals with a leading trajectory.

This scenario will give XI a new opportunity to project strength to the entire world.After having finished with a large part of the contributions of Deng Xiaoping to avoid the excesses of Maoism - collective LIDEANZGE, limit of two presidencies, eradication of the cult of personality -, few doubt that next year will opt for a third consecutive mandate.For later, everything is doubts.“We do not know if Xi will want.That uncertainty could be a source of instability and problems, ”says Ríos.